Judgment Approved by the court for handing down. Ismaik v Fadaat Media 4. The article is insignificant, and the ‘author’ only relayed the views of those who are funding him. However, this does not detract from the seriousness of the Zionist project expressed in the article as this does not stop at theory; rather it involves sustained practical efforts on the ground. Now we are confronted with the implementation of the ‘Deal of the Century’, which denies Palestinians their historical rights and rejects international resolutions without any official announcement. The Palestinian cause is considered nothing more than relief work aimed at the destitute and poor in Gaza, and economic development on the West Bank that achieves prosperity and well-being for the people. In turn, these people are nothing more than a demographic burden that should be sent to Jordan after Israel seizes the rest of the land by annexation and settlement, with the Jordanian state disintegrating and being headed by a king with no more than a symbolic role playing the part of a mayor of a village under occupation. 5. This is not the first time that the Zionists have promoted their vision, nor will it be the last. In order to combat them, Jordanians and Palestinians must work together on all levels, both official and popular. The Zionist narrative that is being promoted in the article transforms Jordanian Palestinian unity into a union with the occupation, its annexation, its settlement, and Judaization. In reality, that unity was born out of confrontation with aggression. The Arab army entered the West Bank, fought at the walls of Jerusalem, and was able to liberate the Old City, including the Jewish Quarter; it remained there as an Arab army devoted to supporting the Palestinian people. Two years later, the unity was established in recognition of the fait accompli. However, the resolution stipulated the Arab rights in Palestine would not be abandoned, which is something Ismaik ignored in his article. The King’s call for a return to the unity resolution does not simply mean liberating Jerusalem but liberating all of Palestine and the return of Palestinian refugees. 6. The unity has not faced any serious Jordanian or Palestinian opposition, and despite the soundness of the proposal put forward by the West Bank representatives to drop the word ‘Palestine’ from the name of the kingdom, they accepted that ‘Jordan is part of the Arab nation’, as stipulated in the constitution. However, after Palestine is liberated, the form and name of the state should be decided. All national forces, including those who opposed the Hashemites, joined the union. In the union parliament, the National Socialist Party and its allies, the Baath party and the Communist party won by a majority, while Hizb ul-Tahrir, the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as traditional and tribal forces also won seats. 7. The occupation failed to end the successful experience of unity. When Ahmed Obeidat's government re-established the House of Representatives in 1984, members were elected to replace those who had died in the West Bank, despite the 1973 Rabat Summit resolution, because including the Palestine Liberation Organization does not mean the end of unity. Quite the contrary. In 1965, it was King Hussein who opened the first session of the Palestinian National Council in Jerusalem, and the 1988 decision to disengage the legal and administrative relation with the West Bank did not affect Jordanians of Palestinian descent in Jordan. The Jordanians and Palestinians do not need an ignoramus to falsify their past and present, not even in a magazine like Foreign Policy. They are perfectly capable of forging a future relationship, just as they did before, in the context of combating the occupation, not identifying with it.